C

91. The people’s right to obtain information does not, of course, depend on any assured ability to understand its significance or use it wisely. Facts belong to the people simply because they relate to interests that are theirs, government that is theirs, and votes that they may desire to case, for they are entitled to an active role in shaping every fundamental decision of state. EDMOND CAHN, The Predicament of Democratic Man, 1961.”

92. “Due process,” a standard that arose in our system of law and stemmed from the desire to provide rational procedure and fair play, is equally indispensable in every other kind of social or political enterprise. EDMOND CAHN, The Predicament of Democratic Man, 1961.

93. When we regard a man as morally responsible for an act, we regard him as a legitimate object of moral praise or blame in respect of it. But it seems plain that a man cannot be a legitimate object of moral praise or blame for an act unless in willing the act he is in some important sense a ‘free’ agent. Evidently free will in some sense, therefore, is a precondition of moral responsibility. C. ARTHUR CAMPBELL, In Defense of Free Will, 1967.

94. Today the grand jury is the total captive of the prosecutor who, if he is candid, will concede that he can indict anybody, at any time, for almost anything, before any grand jury. WILLIAM J. CAMPBELL, Judge, U. S. District Court, Newsweek, 22 August 1977.

95. Freedom of the press is perhaps the freedom that has suffered the most from the gradual degradation of the idea of liberty. ALBERT CAMUS (1913-1960), Resistance, Rebellion and Death.

96. Of...freedom [of thought and speech] one may say that it is the matrix, the indispensable condition, of nearly every other form of freedom. BENJAMIN CARDOZO (1870-1938), U. S. Supreme Court Justice, Palko v. Connecticut, 1937.

97. The great ideals of liberty and equality are preserved against the assaults of opportunism, the expediency of the passing hour, the erosion of small encroachments, the scorn and derision of those who have no patience with general principles. BENJAMIN CARDOZO (1870-1938), U. S. Supreme Court Justice, Nature of Judicial Process, 1921.

98. Free discussion is the only necessary Constitution - the only necessary Law of the Constitution. RICHARD CARLILE (1790-1843), The Republican, 1823.

99. Men seldom, or rather never for a length of time and deliberately, rebel against anything that does not deserve rebelling against. THOMAS CARLYLE (1795-1881).

100. Every human being has a right to hear what other wise human beings have spoken to him. It is one of the Rights of Men; a very cruel injustice if you deny it to a man. THOMAS CARLYLE (1795-1881).

101. It is sometimes said that toleration should be refused to the intolerant. In practice this would destroy it... The only remedy for dogmatism and lies is toleration and the greatest possible liberty of expression. JOYCE CARY (1888-1957), Power in Men, 1939.

102. The law is not the private property of lawyers, nor is justice the exclusive province of judges and juries. In the final analysis, true justice is not a matter of courts and law books, but of a commitment in each of us to liberty and mutual respect. JAMES EARL CARTER, U. S. President, Dallas Times-Herald, 26 April 1978.

103. The freedom to express varying and often opposing ideas is essential to a variety of conceptions of democracy. If democracy is viewed as essentially a process - a way in which collective decisions for a society are made - free expression is crucial to the openness of the process and to such characteristics as elections, representation of interests, and the like. JONATHAN D. CASPER, The Politics of Civil Liberties, 1972.

104. The revolt against individualism naturally calls artists severely to account, because the artist is of all men the most individual; those who were not have been long forgotten. WILLA CATHER (1873-1947), On Writing.

105. Whoever would overthrow the Liberty of a Nation, must begin by subduing Freedom of Speech... Without Freedom of Thought, there can be no such Thing as Wisdom; and no such Thing as public Liberty, without Freedom of Speech... CATO, Letters, 1720.

106. There are two kinds of restrictions on human liberty -- the restraint of law and that of custom. No written law has ever been more binding than unwritten custom supported by popular opinion. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT (1859-1947), Speech, 8 February 1900.

107. I call the mind free which jealously guards its intellectual rights and powers, which calls no man master, which does not content itself with a passive or hereditary faith… WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING (1780-1842), Spiritual Freedom, 1848.

108. Freedom suppressed and again regained bites with keener fangs than freedom never endangered. MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO (106-43 B.C.).

109. The majority of us are for free speech when it deals with subjects concerning which we have no intense feelings. EDMUND B. CHAFFEE (1887-1936).

110. The real value of freedom is not to the minority that wants to talk, but to the majority that does not want to listen. ZECHARIAH CHAFFEE, JR. (1865-1957), The Blessings of Liberty.

111. You make men love their government and their country by giving them the kind of government and the kind of country that inspire respect and love; a country that if free and unafraid, that lets the discontented talk in order to learn the causes of their discontent and end those causes, that refuses to impel men to spy on their neighbors, that protects its citizens vigorously from harmful acts while it leaves the remedies for objectionable ideas to counter-argument and time. ZECHARIAN CHAFEE, JR. (1865-1957), Free Speech in the United States, 1942.

112. The cry has been that when war is declared, all opposition should therefore be hushed. A sentiment more unworthy of a free country could hardly be propagated. If the doctrine be admitted, rulers have only to declare war and they are screened at once from scrutiny. WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING (1780-1842), Life, 1848.

113. Attack another’s rights and you destroy your own. JOHN JAY CHAPMAN (1862-1933), letter, 1897.

114. The peak of tolerance is most readily achieved by those who are not burdened by convictions. ALEXANDER CHASE, Perspectives, 1966.

115. Forms of expression always appear turgid to those who do not share the emotions they represent. GILBERT KEITH CHESTERTON (1874-1936), A Handful of Authors.

116. The theory of free speech, that truth is so much larger and stranger and more many-sided that we know of, that it is very much better at all costs to hear everyone’s account of it, is a theory which has been justified on the whole by experiment, but which remains a very daring and even a very surprising theory. It is really one of the great discoveries of the modern time. GILBERT KEITH CHESTERSON (1874-1936), Robert Browning, 1914.

117. From a comparative perspective, the United States is unusual if not unique in the lack of restraints on freedom of expression. It is also unusual in the range and effectiveness of methods employed to restrain freedom of thought… Where the voice of the people is heard, elite groups must insure their voice says the right things. NOAM CHOMSKY, Index on Censorship, July/August 1986.

118. If we don’t believe in freedom of expression for people we despise, we don’t believe in it at all. NOAH CHOMSKY, Guardian, 23 November 1992.

119. Everybody is in favor of free speech. Hardly a day passes without its being extolled, but some people’s idea of it is that they are free to say what they like, but if anyone says anything back, that is an outrage. WINSTON CHURCHILL (1874-1965), Speech, House of Commons, 1943.

120. Freedom suppressed and again regained bites with keener fangs than freedom never endangered. MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO (106-3 B.C.). (SAME AS Nº 108)

121. There is nothing that can help you understand your beliefs more than trying to explain them to an inquisitor. FRANK CLARK, Reader’s Digest, July 1978.

122. A right is not what someone gives you; it’s what no one can take from you. RAMSEY CLARK, U. S. Attorney General, New York Times, 2 October 1977.

123. From the standpoint of freedom of speech and the press, it is enough to point out that the state has no legitimate interest in protecting any or all religions from views distasteful to them… It is not the business of government to suppress real of imagined attacks upon a particular religious doctrine. TOM C. CLARK (1899-1977), U. S. Supreme Court Justice, Burstyn v. Wilson, 1952.

124. It is not uncommon for ignorant and corrupt men to falsely charge others with doing what they imagine they themselves, in their narrow minds and experience, would have done under the circumstances. JOHN H. CLARKE (1857-1995), U. S. Supreme Court Justice, Valdez v. United States, 1917.

125. All religions united with government are more or less inimical to liberty. All, separated from government, are compatible with liberty. HENRY CLAY (1777-1852), Speech, 24 March 1818.

126. Make no laws whatever concerning speech, and speech will be free; so soon as you make a declaration on paper that speech shall be free, you will have a hundred lawyers proving that “freedom does not mean abuse, nor liberty license,” and they will define and define freedom out of existence. VOLTARINE de CLEYRE (1866-1912), in The Cry for Justice (Upton Sinclair).

127. The Bill of Rights is a born rebel. It reeks with sedition. In every clause it hakes its fist in the face of constituted authority… It is the one guarantee of human freedom to the American people. FRANK I. COBB (1869-1923), LaFollette’s Magazine, January 1920.

128. These is revolution in reaction, as well as in radicalism, and Toryism speaking a jargon of law and order may often be a graver menace to liberty than radicalism bellowing the empty phrases of the soapbox demagogue. FRANK I. COBB (1869-1923), LaFollette’s Magazine, January, 1920.

129. Small groups or communities may be far more oppressive to the individual than larger ones. Men are in many ways freer in large cities than in small villages. MORRIS R. COHEN (1880-1947), Reason and Nature, 1931.

130. The business of the philosopher is well done if he succeeds in raising genuine doubt. MORRIS. R. COHEN (1880-1947), A Dreamer’s Journey, 1949.

131. By freethinking I mean the use of the understanding in endeavoring to find out the meaning of any proposition whatsoever, in considering the nature of the evidence for or against, and in judging of it according to the seeming force or weakness of the evidence. ANTHONY COLLINS (1676-1729), A Discourse of Freethinking, 1713.

132. The victim to too severe a law is considered as a martyr rather than a criminal. CHARLES CALEB COLTON (1780-1832), Lacon, 1825.

133. A free society cherishes nonconformity. It knows from the non-conformist, from the eccentric, have come many of the great ideas. HENRY STEELE COMMAGER (1902-1998), Freedom, Loyalty and Dissent, 1954.

134. Men in authority will always think that criticism of their policies is dangerous. They will always equate their policies with patriotism, and find criticism subversive. HENRY STEELE COMMAGER (1902-1998), Freedom and Order, 1966.

135. Freedom is not a luxury that we can indulge in when at last we have security and prosperity and enlightenment; it is, rather, antecedent to all of these, for without it we can have neither security nor prosperity nor enlightenment. HENRY STEELE COMMAGER (1902-1998), Freedom, Loyalty and Dissent, 1954.

136. Censorship always defeats its own purpose, for it creates, in the end, the kind of society that is incapable of exercising real discretion… In the long run it will create a generation incapable of appreciating the difference between independence of thought and subservience. HENRY STEELE COMMAGER (1902-1998), Freedom, Loyalty and Dissent, 1954.

137. Protection against government is now not enough to guarantee that a man who has something to say shall have a chance to say it. The owners and managers of the press determine which person, which facts, which version of the facts, and which ideas shall reach the public. COMMISSION ON FREEDOM OF THE PRESS, A Free and Responsible Press, 1947.

138. [When] Men are not allowed to think freely about chemistry and biology, why should they be allowed to think freely about political philosophy? AUGUSTE COMPTE (1798-1957), The Positive Philosophy, 1830-40.

139. Diversity of opinion within the framework of loyalty to our free society is not only basic to a university but to the entire nation. JAMES BRYANT CONANT (1893-1978), Education in a Divided World, 1948.

140. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury…..nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb, nor shall be compelled in any Criminal Case to be a witness against himself, not be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. CONSTITUTION of the UNITED STATES, Bill of Rights, Fifth Amendment, 1791.

141. Liberty is not collective, it is personal. All liberty is individual liberty. CALVIN COOLIDGE (1873-1933), U. S. President, Speech, 1924.

142. Individuality is the aim of political liberty. By leaving to the citizen as much freedom of action and of being as comports with order and the rights of others, the institutions render him truly a free man. He is left to pursue his means of happiness in his own manner. JAMES FENIMORE COOPER (1789-1851), The American Democrat, 1838.

143. Liberty is not a matter of words, but a positive and important condition of society. Its greatest safeguard after placing its foundations in a popular base, is in the checks and balances imposed on the public servants. JAMES FENIMORE COOPER (1789-1851), The American Democrat, 1838.

144. The disposition of all power is to abuses, nor does it at all mend the matter that its possessors area majority. Unrestrained political authority, though it be confided to masses, cannot be trusted without positive limitations, men in bodies being but an aggregation of the passions, weaknesses and interests of men as individuals. JAMES FENIMORE COOPER (1789-1851), The American Democrat, 1838.

145. Every politician, every member of the clerical profession, ought to incur the reasonable suspicion of being an interested supporter of false doctrines, who becomes angry at opposition, and endeavors to cast an odium on free inquiry. Fraud and falsehood only dread examination. Truth invites it. THOMAS COOPER (1759-1839), Liberty of the Press, 1830.

146. Our ultimate freedom is the right and power to decide how anybody or anything outside of ourselves will effect us. STEVEN R. COVEY.

147. It is always the task of the intellectual to “think otherwise.” This is not just a perverse idiosyncrasy. It is an absolutely essential feature of a society. HARVEY COX, The Secular City, 1966.

148. Democracy needs more free speech for even the speech of foolish people is valuable if it serves to guarantee the right of the wise to talk. DAVID CUSHMAN COYLE.

149. Morality, and the ideal of freedom which is the political expression of morality, are not the property of a given party or group, but a value that is fundamentally and universally human… No people will be truly free till all are free. BENEDETTO CROCE (1866-1952), Freedom, 1940.

150. It will be found an unjust and unwise jealousy to deprive a man of his natural liberty upon a supposition that he may abuse it. OLIVER CROMWELL (1599-1658), Address, First Protectorate Parliament, 1654.

Follow @tweetbis
Tweet